Tue, Sep 22, 2026
There was a time when foreign policy appeared to offer relatively straightforward choices. East or West. Alignment or non-alignment. Open markets or protectionism. Cooperation or confrontation. The Cold War may have ended, but the instinct to view international affairs through binaries has survived it. The problem is the world confronting India today is far more complicated than the categories it has inherited.
Geopolitical competition now coexists with unprecedented economic interdependence. A conflict thousands of miles away can affect India's energy security, food prices, or supply chains. Trade is increasingly shaped by strategic considerations; technology has become an instrument of both economic power and national security; climate change has acquired geopolitical consequences; and questions of connectivity, critical minerals, digital infrastructure, and maritime security increasingly overlap.
For a country whose economic weight, global interests and international responsibilities are expanding, the answer cannot be to retreat from complexity. Nor can it be to respond to every development through a predetermined strategic template. India needs something more demanding: the confidence to make its own choices, the flexibility to adjust them, and the capacity to pursue several interests simultaneously.
This is where three principles - nuance, optimisation and customisation - offer a useful lens through which to understand the evolution of Indian foreign policy.
The international system today is characterised less by neat alliances than by overlapping partnerships. Countries that compete in one arena may cooperate in another. Strategic rivals may remain important trading partners. Countries may share concerns about one issue while taking very different positions on another.
For India, this complexity is not an inconvenience to be wished away; it is the reality within which foreign policy has to operate. India's engagement with major powers, emerging economies, and the developing world therefore cannot be reduced to a single geopolitical equation. Each relationship has its own history, opportunities and constraints, and each has to be assessed in terms of India's interests.
This is why nuance matters. Nuance is sometimes mistaken for ambiguity or indecision. In foreign policy, it can mean precisely the opposite: understanding that different circumstances require different responses. India's interests in energy may not always coincide perfectly with its interests in technology, trade, or defence. Its relationship with one country may be driven primarily by economic considerations, while another may be important for security or connectivity. The objective is not to eliminate these contradictions but to manage them intelligently. A mature foreign policy does not require every relationship to fit into a single ideological framework.
Nor should strategic autonomy be confused with strategic distance. India's autonomy is meaningful precisely because India has more choices and more relationships than before. The measure of autonomy is not how few countries one works with, but how freely one can work with many of them while retaining the ability to take decisions based on national interest. In an increasingly fragmented world, India's ability to maintain multiple partnerships is therefore not an expression of uncertainty. It is an important source of strategic flexibility.
This brings us to a potentially important evolution in India's foreign policy: the movement from strategic autonomy towards strategic agency. Strategic autonomy traditionally emphasised India's ability to resist external pressure and preserve independent decision-making. Strategic agency goes a step further. It asks what India can actually do with that freedom - how it can influence outcomes, build partnerships, shape institutions, and contribute to the rules and norms of an evolving international order.
That requires optimisation. International diplomacy rarely presents governments with perfect choices. Almost every major decision involves competing interests and unavoidable trade-offs. The challenge is therefore to calculate carefully, identify the available room for manoeuvre, and secure the best possible outcome for India.
A knee-jerk response may sometimes be emotionally satisfying, but sustained diplomacy is generally about preserving options and maximising interests over time. This is particularly important when economic and strategic considerations pull in different directions.
India's growing network of partnerships provides the practical foundation for such agency. India can cooperate with different countries on different priorities without assuming that every partnership must become a comprehensive strategic alignment. The objective is not to become another pole in a world of competing blocs. It is to become sufficiently capable and consequential that India can work across divides while advancing its own interests. That is a very different proposition from simply maintaining distance from competing centres of power.
The expanding scope of India's international engagement is perhaps the clearest indication that its global role is changing. Foreign policy can no longer be confined to traditional diplomacy, defence and political relations. Trade, technology, energy, climate, connectivity, critical minerals, supply chains and digital infrastructure increasingly have direct implications for India's strategic security and economic prosperity. The boundaries between economic policy and foreign policy are becoming progressively less meaningful.
India's engagement with the Global South illustrates this broader approach. The inclusion of the African Union in the G20 during India's presidency reflected an effort to give greater institutional space to developing countries. India's development partnerships, capacity-building programmes, scholarships and technology cooperation similarly represent an approach to international engagement that is based not only on financial assistance but also on knowledge, skills and institutional capabilities. The philosophy of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam acquires practical meaning when solidarity is translated into partnerships that enable countries to build their own capacities.
India's role in climate and technology cooperation offers another dimension. The International Solar Alliance, the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure and the Global Biofuels Alliance demonstrate an effort to create platforms around problems that transcend national borders. India's digital public infrastructure, meanwhile, illustrates how a solution developed for domestic requirements can acquire wider international relevance. The larger lesson is significant: India's influence will increasingly derive not simply from the positions it takes but from the solutions, institutions, technologies, and partnerships it is capable of offering.
There is, however, another dimension to India's growing global role that deserves greater attention: the need to strengthen the intellectual foundations of Indian foreign policy. A country that is becoming more consequential internationally cannot remain primarily a consumer of ideas about international affairs. India must increasingly become a producer of them. That does not mean rejecting established theories or experiences from other countries. It means bringing Indian history, experience, interests, and perspectives more confidently into the study and practice of international relations.
This is where customisation becomes essential. India can learn from the experiences of other powers, but it cannot simply replicate their strategic models. India's geography is distinctive; its developmental challenges are distinctive; its civilisational experience is distinctive; and its position as both a developing economy and an increasingly consequential global power creates circumstances that few other countries have experienced. The appropriate response is therefore neither exceptionalism nor imitation, but adaptation - absorbing lessons from elsewhere and reshaping them to suit Indian circumstances.
The next phase of Indian foreign policy will inevitably involve difficult choices. Wars will continue to test diplomatic flexibility. Economic fragmentation will challenge India's trade and development ambitions. Technology will blur the boundaries between economic and strategic competition. Climate change will create new vulnerabilities as well as new opportunities. But complexity need not produce confusion, competition need not produce confrontation, and choice need not mean choosing sides.
India's distinctive opportunity is to demonstrate that strategic autonomy can evolve into strategic agency: the freedom not merely to respond to a changing world, but increasingly to help shape it. In a world of complexity, competition, and choice, India's greatest strength may ultimately lie in its ability to navigate all three without allowing any one of them to define its foreign policy.
(The writer is president of the Chintan Research Foundation. Views expressed are personal.)