In an enunciation of that theme, India underlined the importance of inclusive growth, climate action, green transition for sustainability, women-led growth, representation of the Global South, and the importance of digital infrastructure. Modi’s agenda at the just-concluded G7 summit in France was largely on the same lines, but the world has changed so much that Bharat’s tone distinctly turned from optimism to caution, though it was not apparent in the bonhomie that flowed between world leaders.

India was a special invitee, not quite the gate-crasher, to the summit of world leaders at the lush-green Evian. But there was no holiday mood, unless you count the parallel development of a US-Iran deal to end their ugly war that came like a breath of fresh air to the alpine resort choked by geopolitical tensions.

Who the elephant in the room was depends on who you are talking to. Given the frictions generated by US President Donald Trump on trade, energy, and global security over the past two years or so, it would appear Uncle Sam was. But officially, it was China, not mentioned explicitly, but appearing a lot like the evil Lord Voldemort in Harry Potter tales (He who shall not be named!). Beijing’s growing global clout hovered silently over the summit that spanned a host of issues steeped in controversy.

Rebuilding Trust

Modi’s speech to G7 leaders that touched on Indian seafarers recently killed in US attacks near the troubled Strait of Hormuz contained probably the most significant quote at the summit: “Today, the world does not suffer from a shortage of resources, it suffers from a shortage of trust. And the future of our partnerships depends on rebuilding this trust.”  

Modi’s comments came days after three Indian nationals died when US forces attacked an oil tanker in the Gulf of Oman, and in the backdrop of trade tensions between the US and India (and just about everybody else), that hung like a pall of smoke over the mountains.

In January this year, Republican Trump formally went back to his 2020 decision to pull Washington out of the Paris climate agreement, reversing the reversal effected by his predecessor Joe Biden, a Democrat.

Even as the summit took place, the United States Department of Defense announced a decision to restore the name of its largest military command to the US Pacific Command (USPACOM) from the US Indo-Pacific Command that was announced in 2018. You could call it a symbolic jolt for India, which has been aiming to raise its profile at The Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue). As a developing country joining the US, Japan, and Australia in an informal but strategic regional democratic counterweight to rising China, New Delhi would have expected better. But we live in difficult times.

For India, more important than that are the details of the much-delayed but shortly expected trade deal with the US after a series of measures from Washington over the past two years ranging from tariff hikes to difficult visa policies that have shaken India’s economic ambitions and shocked the rupee into a slide.

Modi balanced truth with what looked like diplomatic charm as he repeatedly addressed Trump as “Your Excellency” in their bilateral meeting on the margins of the summit, perhaps to balance his trust deficit speech. Trump’s reference to Modi as a friend and strong negotiator sounded positive, but we have to watch if the seasoned real-estate dealmaker was flattering to deceive.

From Mediator To Guiding One’s Own Interests

In the wake of the US-Iran war that hurt India on several fronts -- oil prices, trade with friendly Gulf nations and regional stability -- India’s talk of energy security rang truer than ever before in recent times.  It was the return of a ghost that many Indians thought had been put behind. Sad but true, India is now less of an international mediator and more of a party whose bandwidth is focused on guarding its own interests first as the world’s most populous country.

In every conceivable major agenda item, world leaders can no longer take for granted the idea of a partnership-driven growth with smooth supply chains and technology sharing as key leitmotifs.

India advocated global standards for digital transformation as it pointed to its digital public infrastructure and financial technology innovations - which in common language means showing up Aadhar and Unified Payments Interface (UPI) - as shining global examples to follow. Its call for responsibility for AI (artificial intelligence) governance that has implications for social safety, cyber security and business also appeared timely.

The timing was far from perfect.

The CEOs of Anthropic and OpenAI, emerging heavyweight stars of the AI Universe, showed up at Evian for a working lunch, but Washington’s recent decisions to stop foreigners from accessing Anthropic’s cutting-edge AI models loomed over the summit.

Are we heading for a ‘techno-imperialism’ of sorts in a hard-ball game of nationalistic trade dynamics, putting behind decades of embracing ideas of a shared future?

The World Is A Tricky Place

G7 leaders agreeing on child safety in using AI, and a general intent to end Russia’s Ukraine war do sound good, but it seems the world is a far trickier place and the war seems less of a concern than it did a couple of years ago, as Trump’s whimsical ways put new items on the agenda.

The G7 declaration at Evian urged countries with “large and persistent external surpluses" (a reference to China) to avoid distortive policies. In plain language, that reflects a US concern of being dethroned as the world’s towering superpower by an Asian economy that also has military might. Other members of the G7, and a special invitee like India, would definitely agree on the need for a peaceful, stable world order but the US is not exactly treating fellow G7 members as equal partners.

Bilateral engagements of the kind Modi had with his UAE and UK counterparts showed that two-way talks seem more fruitful in such difficult times, as old multilateral equations seem to fall apart.

India is due to host a summit of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) later this year. As the current chair of the BRICS grouping, Modi’s foreign policy pivots show that you can hang out with the G7 leaders even as you lead a group whose prominent members are China and Russia (which are largely red rags to the G7 bull).

You could call it India’s strategic autonomy or its potential role as a global mediator. Or you could call its location ‘the horns of a geopolitical dilemma’. All we know for now is that tightrope walking is still the right thing to do in diplomacy.

Modi did just that.

(The writer is a senior journalist covering a diverse range of subjects, including economy, technology, and politics. Views expressed are personal.)