Wed, May 13, 2026
In November 2022, Cyrus Mistry, eminent businessman who had also served as Tata Sons chairman for a short while, died in a car crash. Even as the death instantly led to debates over road safety, India’s road safety crisis has become too large, too familiar, and too morally indefensible to be treated as a routine governance failure.
In 2024, the country recorded 4,67,967 road accidents with 1,75,142 deaths as per National Crime Record Bureau’s (NCRB) Accidental Deaths & Suicides in India 2024 report.
According to the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH), total road fatalities reached 1,77,177 in 2024, up from 1,72,890 in 2023.
The cruel truth is unmistakable: nearly 480 to 485 people are dying every day on Indian roads.
The sixth-largest economy aspiring to be a developed nation by 2047 cannot afford such mayhem on its roads.
Independent analysis using India’s Sample Registration System and verbal autopsies estimated around 2.7 lakh road deaths in 2022 – higher than official figures. That means the public debate is being conducted on a partial picture: the real toll is closer to losing a medium-sized city every year, with hundreds of thousands more injured, disabled, and pushed into poverty.
The World Bank and World Health Organization (WHO) note that India, with 1% of global vehicles, accounts for about 10% of global road crash fatalities and that the majority deaths are of pedestrians, cyclists, motorcyclists, and the homeless.
The road safety debate in India needs a paradigm shift. Too often, road deaths are described as an unfortunate by-product of growth, motorisation, and rising mobility. The WHO stresses that road traffic injury is not an “accident” in the everyday sense of pure chance; it arises from known and modifiable risk factors, including road design, speed, weak enforcement, unsafe vehicles, and poor trauma care.
India does not merely have too many crashes. It has built and tolerated a system in which death is normalised.
This narrative must change.
The large number of road accidents and deaths is also proof that India has failed to bend the curve despite years of rhetoric, enforcement drives, and declarations of concern.
The social profile of the carnage is damning.
NCRB’s 2024 data show that two-wheeler users accounted for 84,599 deaths, or 48.3% of all road deaths, and pedestrians for another 25,769, or 14.7%. Put simply, the most vulnerable users, those travelling with the least physical protection in an environment built around speed, mixed traffic, and routine rule-breaking, pay the highest price.
A pedestrian is often a low-wage worker crossing an arterial road because the foot overbridge is too far, the signal is too short, the median barrier is broken, or the sidewalk is absent or encroached. A cyclist is typically not making a lifestyle choice but managing a survival commute. A two-wheeler rider is often a delivery worker, factory hand, student or self-employed worker for whom cheap motorized mobility is the only way to access opportunity. The homeless are part of this hidden geography of danger, even if statistics do not separately capture them well. For homeless, the road is not only a corridor of movement but also a place of survival.
A just road safety policy must start by acknowledging that road deaths are regressive in their human burden.
NCRB data show that Uttar Pradesh recorded 27,071 traffic accident deaths in 2024, followed by Tamil Nadu with 20,390, and Maharashtra with 19,475. MoRTH figures for road deaths alone show a similar ranking. These states carry an enormous share of national fatalities, but the deeper point is that road danger is spread across high-growth states, industrial corridors, peri-urban regions, and dense metropolitan systems.
Interestingly, urban data kill the comforting fiction that cities are safe because speeds are lower than highways. In 53 cities, NCRB recorded 17,797 traffic accident deaths in 2024, with Delhi topping the list at 2,181 deaths. Over-speeding alone accounted for 52.8% of road accident deaths in cities, and many deaths occurred near residential areas, recreation spaces, and educational institutions.
Danger is woven into ordinary landscapes where people live, study, shop, and walk.
A World Bank report in 2021 highlighted that more than 75% of poor households in India reported a decline in their income as a result of a road traffic crash. “The financial loss for the poor amounted to more than seven month’s household income, while it was equivalent to less than one month’s household income for rich households,” the report said.
India’s economic geography is increasingly peri-urban and corridor-based: logistics parks, industrial sheds, warehousing clusters, informal settlements, schools and hospitals sit close to high-speed roads. The people who populate these spaces cross on foot, commute by two-wheeler, cycle short distances, wait on shoulders for shared transport and often have no grade-separated or signalised crossings. A road that looks “efficient” for freight or private vehicles can be lethal for the surrounding population. Safety cannot be an afterthought; it must be the organising principle of mobility.
Road fatalities - rural, peri-urban, and city data - remind us that danger is concentrated in everyday environments. When a child walking to school, a worker crossing near a bus stop, or an elderly person on a market road is exposed to traffic violence, the problem is not just non-compliance.
It is a failure to design for life.
This is why India needs to move from “accident reduction” and adopt Mission Zero approach to road fatalities. The phrase may sound unrealistic in a large, unequal and motorizing country. But accepting “some deaths” as normal is the more unrealistic and corrosive choice because it guarantees drift. Mission Zero does not mean claiming zero deaths tomorrow. It means setting a non-negotiable direction: no death is acceptable, every serious crash is a system failure, and roads must be designed so that ordinary human error does not routinely translate into death.
Vision Zero in Sweden and Safe System approaches start from a simple recognition: humans make mistakes, but systems must not be built so those mistakes are fatal. India today does the opposite. It assumes near-perfect behaviour in a setting defined by inconsistent enforcement, mixed traffic, poor separation, and deep inequality in road-user protection.
Mission Zero would reverse that burden.
States that dominate fatality counts, including Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Maharashtra, need time-bound reduction missions led at the highest political level.
What India must avoid is technocratic tokenism: awareness weeks, slogans and victim-blaming.
Mission Zero must therefore be framed as an imperative development. The WHO estimates road traffic injuries cost around 3% of India’s GDP, but even that understates the human loss.
Each death triggers household impoverishment, orphaned children, widowed spouses, chronic disability, lost earnings, and fear embedded in everyday mobility. In a largely informal economy with weak income protection, the death of a breadwinner in a crash often means a descent into precarity for an entire family.
The benchmark for road safety politics in India cannot be whether fatalities rose by 0.8% or 2.5%, or whether one dataset shows 1,75,142 deaths and another 1,77,177 or a third 2,71,000. The benchmark must be whether the Republic is prepared to say that nearly 500 deaths a day on roads is intolerable.
Once that threshold is crossed, the policy consequences become obvious: design for fragility, control speed, protect the poor, enforce universally, and measure success in lives saved rather than kilometres built. The steepness of the path ahead is not an argument against Mission Zero; it is the argument for it.
(The writer is a former civil servant. Views expressed are personal.)